Latin America was shaken by a series of dictatorships during the 1970s, all protected or built, better, under a revolution that still stands today, even though it has changed its ideals a little: the Sandinista revolution, in Nicaragua. Taking as reference the ideas of Augusto César Sandino, and in memory of him, since he had been assassinated in 1934, the National Liberation Front rose to end the dictatorship of the Somoza family. The struggle, which had begun in the 1950s, intensified with the passage of time and in 1978, after the murder of Pedro Joaquín Chamorro, director of the newspaper La Prensa, it took on a different air.
In 1979, an agreement was signed by the representatives of the Sandinista factions so as not to fall into the struggle. In June of that year the call was made for the 'Final Offensive' and in July the general strike was called in Managua, with broad popular support, to defeat Anastasio Somoza.
Several of these opposition factions were organized by the United States, which had interests in Nicaragua. They armed the members of the guerrillas and thereby managed to exert pressure on the government of that country. In addition to the number of errors that the government was having in economic and social matters, the blow caused by the FSLN allowed its dominance to be reduced. In this contest, for several years, and according to some Colombian newspapers, nearly 300 academics, students and national workers were enlisted to support the revolt. Later, they would be part of the Simon Bolivar Brigade.
Miguel Ángel Espinoza, in an article published by the newspaper El Tiempo, reports: “One of those who responded to the call was Simon, an enthusiastic mathematics teacher born in Barranquilla who saw at this event an opportunity to help build a better world. “The brigade was so named because we were quite an intellectual political group and we knew the importance of history,” recalls Simon. Its name alluded to the International Brigades convened in the United States in 1937, to support the fight against Franco in Spain.” In this way, emulating Nobel laureate Ernest Hemingway, who was part of the International Brigades in Spain, Simon left for Nicaragua accompanied by a handful of Colombians who responded to the call. “The New York Times newspaper attributed us to be up to 700, I say that about 400 people enrolled from various parts of Latin America,” says Simon. Politically, we were people linked to non-Stalinist socialism, and we wanted to contribute to a cause that at that time seemed good and was supported even by the governments of Panama and Venezuela.” The decision was taken from the offices of the Socialist Workers Party. This is how, at the beginning of 1979, the movement of brigadists began to take place, leaving towards an illusion, a seed that grew throughout the region.”
The revolution left profound changes in Nicaragua and in several Latin American countries, such as Colombia, allowed the ideal of change to emerge in the light of its ideals. The power structures that the Somozas had erected were dismantled and the country's education rose. Today, those who lived through the time, or know firsthand what happened, say that the objectives of the revolution did not remain faithful to what had been proposed from the beginning, and that is why, years later, the situation in the country is seen as if it were wrapped up in a loop. “Surnames change, but dictators are the same,” some say.
Espinoza continues: “Almost 43 years ago, on July 19, 1979, the triumph of the Sandinista revolution was declared, ending the Somoza dynasty in Nicaragua. Somoza fled the country on July 17, two days before the so-called 'Day of Joy'. Those days were celebrated in the streets by Nicaraguans who stayed in the country, as Somoza's followers also fled the country.” Remember those television images of people in Afghanistan who caught on the wings of airplanes to leave? Simon asks. “Well, just like that, that's what I saw at the airport in Managua (Nicaragua's capital), the Somocistas abandoned their mansions, everything, they didn't want to stay and see what the FSLN did with them, it was crazy to see people on the airstrip as they ran desperate to get on a plane. I've never heard so many shots in my life.” Simon reflects on the situation and brings it to the present. He points out that the same thing happens in every war.” It's like the people who are now leaving from Central Europe and Colombia, and many parts of the world, to Ukraine to fight Russia,” he compares. If Ukraine wins, those people stay there, they will assimilate to the nation; if they lose, then they have to return defeated. We were almost the same, only despite the victory we had to return, but defeated by Sandinismo.” After the celebrations, the country was plunged into uncertainty.”
When the revolution triumphed Nicaragua already had a large external debt and an acute crisis in its economy: some foreign observers blame the crisis on the Marxist-style economy that the Sandinista governments waged, while others emphasize the war of aggression by the United States and against it. The Revolution left Nicaragua freer and more normalized but poorer and more divided. The Colombians who took part all agree on the same thing, that things took a different course.
“The new Nicaraguan government relocated all the members of the Brigade to Managua. There, from the abandoned mansions, they began a work that Simon calls “organizing”. “People didn't know what was next, they had no idea of organization or anything,” says Simon. That's why we decided to organize them, let them know what a union is, what it is like to associate as a human collective, to know what and how they were going to ask for it, their demands, what is understandable, because of the years of hiding and anonymity.” In a short time, they formed more than 100 unions, with their boards of directors and statutes, which would later form the Sandinista Workers' Central (CST). Meanwhile, tension with the Sandinistas continued to grow, “they demanded that we had not fought, they thought we were turning people against them”. One night, the members of the Simon Bolivar Brigade were summoned to a meeting with the governing board.” It occurred to us to call on all workers to show solidarity with the Brigade,” says the professor. Within a few hours, the march had more than a thousand demonstrators, several of them armed. Some were shouting to give us Nicaraguan nationality.” According to Simon's memory, the members of the Brigade naively agreed to enter the meeting. Inside, they accused them of wanting to disorganize, they did not give them the opportunity to evaluate or explain why they worked separately. “The FSLN leadership, which had direct contact with Cuba, traveled beforehand to agree with the Cubans what they would do with us,” says the professor. Initially they wanted to expel us on the absurd charge of being 'CIA agents', but eventually they expelled us accusing us of 'left-wing extremists' on the recommendation of Cuba.” Simon remembers that they spent the night in prison. The next day they were sent to Panama, where, according to media records, they were tortured under the orders of Ómar Torrijos,” says Espinoza.
About 52 years have passed, and the remnants of the Sandinista Revolution continue to rage. In Nicaragua, in Peru, in Cuba, in Colombia, and throughout the continent.
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