This has been one of the most critical weeks for Pedro Castillo's mandate. In addition to a transport strike due to high fuel prices, a surprise curfew was added in Lima and Callao that thousands of people challenged with a march against the government.
Journalist César Hildebrandt referred to this situation in his section 'Matices' in the weekly 'Hildebrandt in his thirteen'. In his column 'The End of History', the opinion leader reiterates that the peaceful solution to this situation is for the president to resign, as requested weeks ago. Your departure is an imperative option. The other alternative is violence, chaos, anger that brings people and mobs together.
He states that Vice-President Dina Boluarte must assume a brief transitional government that calls for general elections of the Executive and Congress.
He argues that in order to face a situation such as the current one, effective government was needed. It required a leader to make decisions, but Castillo has been a constant disappointment. “It's not that we lack a government that rises to the occasion. The big problem is that we don't even have a government. It is not possible to call this board of discouraged irresponsible people 'executive power' headed by a man who cites Hitler's highways as an example of planning,” says Hildebrandt.
For the journalist, it is impossible to expect Castillo to do things right, because of his narcissism, ignorance and bad company “(Cerrón, above all, which is his own covid) drag him into the abyss. His perceptual deficiencies disfigure the landscape.”
It indicates that Castillo is the man who was elected, without fraud or blemish, president of the Republic “who saved us from the Fujimorist underworld that the right wing, stubborn as a mule, was once again solving. Anti-Fujimorism voted for him and the rejection of boring and phony neoliberalism completed the task.”
NO EXCUSES
Hildebrandt believes that it is painful that a government of popular origin ends like this and also claims that there was a media conspiracy against it. But that doesn't justify his actions. He gives as an example the Mexican government of Andrés Manuel López Obrador, which has confronted the army of the right-wing press and television. And despite the fact that it faces fierce press conferences, it retains 66% of popular support after four years of government and is about to subject the permanence of its regime to a referendum.
He draws another parallel with former Chilean President Salvador Allende, for whom the press made life impossible. But even in the year of his death, Allende won elections.
“There is no right-wing plot that can destroy a government that is truly backed by the people. Chile's pro-Nazi right wing had to bomb La Moneda and force Allende to suicide to get rid of a government that retained its support undefeated.
That is not the case with Pedro Castillo”, he says.
Instead, he argues that the task of ending Castillo was the work of himself. “Every day, at all times, with every presence, the President of the Republic enthusiastically demonstrated to us the shortness of its scope, the lethal nature of its nullity, his terrifying vocation for nonsense, the ghostly argument with which he phrased his unintelligibility.
It is time to say, from the dignity of citizens, that this has to end”, he points out.
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